Throughout its long embattled history Ukraine has formed alliances with several nationalities in attempts to survive – with the Ottoman Empire, Vikings (and then Sweden), Poland (several times), Belarus, Austria, and Germany - and with Russia right on the periphery, believing Ukraine was “Little Rus” and belonging to Russia. The author's youthfulness helps to assure the inevitable comparison with the Anne Frank diary although over and above the sphere of suffering shared, and in this case extended to the death march itself, there is no spiritual or emotional legacy here to offset any reader reluctance. Truly this is an area of the world where suffering in the first half of the 20th century was ceaseless. For me, the later chapters - c 1900 onwards were especially interesting and helped to give some context to the more recent troubles, particularly those involving its bullying neighbour (Soviet) Russia. De la primele triburi războinice din stepă la Rusia Kieveană - ironic, mai mult Kieveană decât Rusie, pentru ca e vorba de fapt de vikingul Rus'-, la cazacii care trezesc conștiința națională și călugării kieveni din secolul XVII care fac greșeala fundamentală să creeze conceptul de malo ruși (micii ruși), în încercarea de a obține protecția țarilor, o sintagmă ce încă dă apă la moară unui dictator dement din secolul XXI, până la Holodomor și Holocaust, Ucraina Sovietică, cele trei Maidane și anexarea Crimeei + războiul separatist din Donbass, Plokhy (Plohîi în altă grafie) dă mult de lucru cititorului. Mult și greu. Precum istoria acestei țări hărțuite neîncetat de toate imperiile din zonă, mai ceva ca România (la ei au mai fost și Polonia și Lituania, pe lângă toti rușii, otomanii, austro-ungarii, nemții). Dar în final ajungi la ceva foarte dificil de realizat, mai ales zilele astea: o viziune de ansamblu a unei situații extrem de complicate.

Plokhy starts with the ancient Greeks, and then continues through to the Vikings, the Byzantine Empire, the Mongolian Empire, the Habsburg and Russian Empires, and the Soviet Union. Ukrainian nationalism, like other European nationalisms, became more pronounced in the 19th century. Plokhy emphasizes how that impacted other multinational empires, and how other wars accelerated demands for independence. For a general survey, Plokhy finds a lot of time to study opinions of political elites and intellectuals. He finds time to include the debate over Russian and Ukranian identity, and the debates between the "Little Russian" and "Ukrainian" debates over what Ukrainian identity is - and those debates have become painfully relevant. Before my first reporting trip to Ukraine, one of my seasoned war correspondent colleagues had two pieces of advice. First, not to miss the delicious coffee and pastries you can find in Kyiv (which is a wonderfully reassuring thing to hear as you head off towards a conflict). Second, that it was absolutely necessary to read Serhii Plokhy’s 2015 book The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine. I did, and it unwound 2,500 years of complex, fascinating and often tragic events, all the way from Herodotus’s accounts of the ancient Scythians to the Maidan protests in Kyiv a decade ago. Now Plokhy and I are speaking by Zoom – me from London, he from his home near Harvard, where he is professor of Ukrainian history. He’s in his study. There are globes on every surface, and antique maps of Ukraine hang on the walls. As I mentioned before, I wanted a little something that would open my eyes to some of my ancestral roots, as well as offer me the history and politics of a region about which I know so little. Plokhy does this in an even-handed manner, mixing social, cultural, and political history together in an easy to digest format. The book tries not to skim, but it is almost impossible to delve in too deeply and still offer up a book that can be carried from one place to another. Plokhy’s arc of Ukrainian history opens the discussion, but never does he profess to having all the answers or to be the final word on the matter. While I refuse to call it a primer, this book does lay some basic foundations for those who want to learn more. Plokhy’s writing style is also easy to comprehend, offering readers lots of information in a relevant format. Depending on the topic at hand, chapters can be short or more detailed, permitting to reader to extract what they want before moving along. Written in English, there was little I felt I might be missing at the hands of a translator, which helped me feel confident in my reading, though I am sure Plokhy has been able to thoroughly research the topics in their original languages, as well as relying on other historians who have taken the leap before him. While the region may not be of interest to all, I can see many readers learning a great deal, even if they chose only to read key chapters in the book: lead-up to the Great War through the the Cold War fallout. While I never promote ‘parachuting’ into a book, I admit this was the section that interested me most and allowed me to extract a great deal of information to whet my appetite and cultivate a stronger understanding of familial roots. I suppose I will have to see if I cannot better comprehend what led my family to leave Ukraine and settle in Saskatchewan. The Prairie West does have a strong Ukrainian population and Plokhy has given me some good ideas why this might be the case. A cumulation of short stories that provide us with a history of an extraordinary country, culture and people. Told in, my nescient view, a most entertaining and engrossing fashion. Until the end of the eighteenth century, most of Ukraine… would remain divided between Poland and Russia. The division would have profound effects on Ukrainian identity and culture.I wonder whether he can foresee the disintegration of the Russian Federation as it is currently constituted – especially in a context where Russia is seemingly recruiting its military disproportionately from its Muslim peoples and peripheral autonomous republics. “The process of disintegration has already started,” he replies. “Already Russia doesn’t control its constitutional territory” – by which he means that some parts of Ukraine that were formally adopted as part of the Russian Federation last autumn in the wake of the full-scale invasion, such as Kherson, have already been liberated and restored to Ukrainian hands. But yes, he says, republics on the edges of the federation – such as Tuva, Buryatia and Sakha, not to mention Chechnya, are vulnerable. “The longer the war goes on, the stronger the narrative that Russia is using them as cannon fodder.” When I started this journey into the books, I did have this ‘little dream’ of one day being recognised as an Historian. Naaa, I ain’t the slightest chance of standing beside people such as Professor Serhii Plokhy (the author), a Ukrainian. An Historian. It is a cruel game to ask a historian to look into the future. But here we are and, as Plokhy himself says, rephrasing Churchill, historians are probably “the worst commentators on contemporary events except for all the others”. So what about the Ukrainians’ spring counteroffensive, I ask – which, when we speak in the last days of April, is expected any day.

But soon he began to change his mind. History, after all, is a weapon in this conflict. Vladimir Putin’s justification for his aggression towards Ukraine is rooted in his (twisted and faulty) understanding of the past. He even wrote a sprawling, inaccurate essay laying out his views in 2021, titled On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians. Plokhy began to feel compelled to fight the Russian president’s terrible history writing with good, solid history writing of his own. Ukraine’s performance after leaving the Soviet Union was a remarkably bad, industrial production fell 48%, GDP fell 60%, half the population had barely the money to buy their food, and three million citizens left the country. The industrial sector, largely steel, had relied on Russian natural gas supplies. Ukrainian runaway inflation reached 2,500% in 1992. What an ad for capitalism. This book makes no attempt to explain why Ukraine went so fast downhill. Russians are 48% of Ukraine’s Donetsk population. President Yanukovych was the last Ukrainian President sympathetic to Russians within the Ukraine. Russia annexed the Crimea in March 2014.This book talks about the loss of the Crimea and Donbas but makes no attempt to explain the conflict. In 2019, Zelensky takes over the Ukraine Presidency.

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One of the problems with reading national histories, especially those of the former-Soviet states, is that they tend to be written from the author's political viewpoint. For example, a history of the Republic of Moldova may feature either a pro-Romanian or a pro-Russian emphasis, depending on the author's personal views. He goes to great length, as well, to talk about the cultural differences that developed between the Rus of Kiev and the Rus in Muscovy, and the religious and cultural changes that occurred under the tutelage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The desire for independence throughout history did not always exist, but Ukraine developed its own national identity throughout history due to its connections to other European states, and its closeness to the Turkic and Tartar tribes that inhibited the Crimean region. These were the more interesting parts of the book. Sunt enorm de multe episoade și idei interesante, dar o să menționez doar un eveniment și două concluzii ale autorului. As Ukraine is embroiled in an ongoing struggle with Russia to preserve its territorial integrity and political independence, celebrated historian Serhii Plokhy explains that today's crisis is a case of history repeating itself: the Ukrainian conflict is only the latest in a long history of turmoil over Ukraine's sovereignty. Situated between Central Europe, Russia, and the Middle East, Ukraine has been shaped by empires that exploited the nation as a strategic gateway between East and West-from the Romans and Ottomans to the Third Reich and the Soviet Union. In The Gates of Europe, Plokhy examines Ukraine's search for its identity through the lives of major Ukrainian historical figures, from its heroes to its conquerors.

History is normally written from the calm, distant purview that a scholar attains when chaotic events have resolved themselves into some recognisable shape or pattern. It is not usually interrupted by grief for a family member killed as a result of those still-unfolding events. At first, he says, he resisted the idea of a book about the invasion, produced during the invasion. To write such a volume would be “to go against the basic principles of the profession”. “Our wisdom as historians comes from the fact that we already know how things turned out,” he says. In the latter part of 2022, I read: ‘The History of Ukraine and Russia: The Tangled History That Led to Crisis’. I’m jolly glad I did.Ukrainian history is interwoven with Russia, the Ottoman Empire, Poland. Lithuania, Austro-Hungarian Empire (Galicia) and several other European countries.